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Chinese Inflation Could Be 80% Higher Than Reported In July

China Balloon

China’s official consumer inflation statistic hit a 21-month high in July — at just 3.3%.

While the figure is nearly hitting  a two-year high, but some are questioning the accuracy of the official inflation data, because prices seem to rising much faster based on anecdotal information.

Bloomberg:

Lydia Wang, a 28-year-old marketing manager in Shanghai, gripes that the shoes and clothing she normally buys are at least 50 percent pricier than in 2009. Wu Sengyun, a 54-year-old retiree in the coastal city of Ningbo, Zhejiang, says prices of fruit and fish are up more than 20 percent in the past year.

Willy Lin has cut back on free drumsticks in the canteen of his Jiangxi clothing factory as meat and vegetables grow dear. “The workers suffer,” he says. “Everybody is crying.”

One also has to wonder if the national inflation statistic misrepresents the diversity of economic environments within China. The regions around Beijing or Shanghai are completely different countries when compared to most of China.

“There has been a jump in prices that isn’t reflected in the numbers,” said Chinese Academy of Social Sciences economist Yu Yongding, a former adviser to China’s central bank.

Michael Pettis, a finance professor at Peking University, said he wonders how a country that grew 10.3 percent last quarter and is seeing upward pressure on wages could register a price rise of a few percentage points. Multinationals in China expect to raise wages an average of 8.4 percent this year, according to Hewitt Associates Inc., a human resources consultant.

“Inflation could well be 6 percent now for most people in China,” Peking University’s Pettis said.

6% would equate to 81% higher inflation than the 3.3% figure reported in July. Perhaps this is why Chinese gold demand is surging.

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China Reaching a Lewis Turning Point as Inflation Overtakes Low-Cost Labor

By Bloomberg News

June 11 (Bloomberg) — Shenzhen Jufeng Handicraft Co. was
so eager to ensure employees returned to work after February’s
Lunar New Year holiday that it threw them a party, handed out
gifts and bused workers to homes 1,000 kilometers away.

“We needed to do more to make them stay,” said Sunny Jia,
sales manager of the Shenzhen-based company, which makes linen,
leather bags and cabinets for such customers as Oscar
Collections Ltd. in the U.K. “All our customers wanted orders
shipped within a month.”

China, once an abundant provider of low-cost workers, is
heading for the so-called Lewis turning point, when surplus
labor evaporates, pushing up wages, consumption and inflation,
said Huang Yiping, former chief Asia economist at Citigroup Inc.
The result may prompt manufacturers to switch to cheaper
countries such as India and Vietnam.

“If the first decade of the 21st century saw China rapidly
rising as a global manufacturing center, the post-Lewis turning
point could see the opposite,” said Huang, an economics
professor at Peking University in Beijing. “Global
manufacturing activities concentrated in China today may find
their way elsewhere.”

Shenzhen Jufeng’s efforts to retain workers, strikes at
Honda Motor Co. factories and a 100 percent wage rise at Hon Hai
Precision Industry Co.’s Shenzhen plants are signs of the
watershed, named after the late Nobel Prize-winning economist W.
Arthur Lewis
. The point marks where manufacturing
competitiveness and the pace of growth begin to turn down as
labor costs rise.

Restrained Growth

China’s potential annual economic growth rate may slide to
9 percent by the middle of this year, from 11 percent, as the
impact of a shrinking young labor force bites, said Lu Ting, an
economist with Bank of America-Merrill Lynch in Hong Kong.

As growth soaks up cheap labor and wages rise, China is
losing the competitive advantages it had previously, said Robert
L. Tignor, a professor of modern and contemporary history at
Princeton University in New Jersey and author of the book “W.
Arthur Lewis and the Birth of Development Economics.”

“Arthur would have been really pleased to see that his
theories have proven to be pretty valid when it comes to
countries like China,” he said in a telephone interview.

Countries with lower wage costs such as India and Vietnam
stand to benefit in attracting manufacturing. Minimum wages in
Shanghai are $141 a month, compared with $77 in Mumbai and $74
in Hanoi, according to Morgan Stanley calculations based on
Japan External Trade Organization data.

Vietnam Competition

“In lower-end export industries there’s already a case for
China having lost competitiveness against places like Vietnam,”
said Jim Walker, Asianomics Ltd.’s chief economist in Hong Kong.

Regional labor shortages begin when the ratio of job
openings to job seekers rises above 0.96, according to Ha Jiming,
Hong Kong-based chief economist at China International Capital
Corp. In eastern China in May the ratio reached 1.01, while in
the Pearl River Delta region bordering Hong Kong it hit 1.26 and
in Fujian province 1.14, according to Beijing-based CICC.

The surplus of rural workers suitable for labor-intensive
work has fallen to about 25 million from about 120 million in
2007, squeezing job markets in eastern provinces, said Ha, a
former International Monetary Fund economist.

“I don’t know exactly when there won’t be enough
workers,” said Wang Gang Qiang, president of Ningbo-based
Ningbo Ocean Textiles (Group) Co. Ltd. “I do know shortages
will get worse.”

Far to Go

China’s wages are still far below those in developed
competitors such as Japan, and income gains will boost consumer
spending, helping put a floor under the nation’s growth, said Qu
Hongbin
, chief China economist at HSBC Holdings Plc in Hong Kong.

Companies serving “the bottom of the food chain” are those
poised to benefit, said Russell Hoss, who manages the EPH China
Fund from Newport Beach, California. Menswear retailer China
Lilang Ltd. and restaurant chain Ajisen (China) Holdings Ltd.,
both based in Hong Kong, are stocks the EPH China Fund owns that
Hoss says are likely to benefit.

“The future trajectory is that China is not only an export
country,” said Johnny Yu, foreign trade manager at China Crown
Textile Co. in Shanghai. “With rising wages consumption will
rise.”

Local governments have announced increases in minimum wages
this year ranging from 5 percent in Hunan province to 27 percent
in Ningxia, according to Morgan Stanley.

Worker Strife

Hon Hai’s Foxconn Technology unit said it will raise
salaries at Shenzhen factories to 2,000 yuan a month in October
from 900 yuan in May, after a spate of worker suicides. The
increase prompted Macquarie Group Ltd. and Daiwa Securities
Group Inc. to cut their investment ratings on Hon Hai.

Honda, based in Tokyo, raised pay by 24 percent at a parts-
making factory in Foshan, Guangdong province, last month after a
strike crippled its production in China. Two more facilities
were hit by strikes this week.

Wages in privately owned companies will rise as much as 17
percent annually over the next three years, said Jun Ma, an
economist at Deutsche Bank AG in Hong Kong.

China’s inflation accelerated in May to 3.1 percent, the
quickest pace in 19 months, and producer prices rose the most in
20 months, the statistics bureau said in Beijing today.

A construction boom fueled by 4 trillion yuan ($586 billion)
of stimulus and record bank lending has boosted job
opportunities in western and central China. Manufacturers
including Ningbo-based Dejin Textile Co., Shanghai-based China
Crown Textile and Shenzhen Jufeng say that’s made it harder for
them to attract migrants to coastal factories.

Children and Wives

“Workers don’t want to leave their children and wives”
now that more jobs are available near home, said Shenzhen
Jufeng’s Jia. “The inland regions are booming because the
government is spending so much.”

Ningbo Ocean Textiles’s Wang cites the city of Chongqing,
2,400 kilometers (1,492 miles) up the Yangtze river from
Shanghai, as an example of the difficulties he faces recruiting.
Chongqing’s economy expanded 14.9 percent last year.

“Chongqing workers used to go to the east coast to work,”
he said. “Now their home is a booming city, and lots of
companies have moved there. Why do people there need to leave?”

China’s export recovery is also tightening labor markets.
Shipments abroad surged 48.5 percent from a year earlier in May,
the most in more than six years after excluding distortions
caused by the Lunar New Year holiday.

The number of people hired last year in eastern China’s
provinces, the backbone of the country’s three-decade economic
growth, fell by 8.8 million because job seekers had been lured
to inland areas by rising wages, according to the National
Bureau of Statistics in Beijing.

The pay gap between the eastern region and inland China is
now 5 percent, down from 15 percent five years ago, according to
Ha at CICC.

“Wages in the eastern areas aren’t attractive enough,”
statistics bureau spokesman Sheng Laiyun said. “Younger peasant
workers are demanding better work conditions and welfare.”

Kevin Hamlin. With assistance from Rich Miller in
Washington. Editors: Adam Majendie, Anne Swardson

To contact the Bloomberg News staff on this story:
Kevin Hamlin in Beijing on
khamlin@bloomberg.net



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WSJ: China’s Property Market Freezes Up

The WSJ has an article tonight about the Chinese real estate market and the recent government actions: China’s Property Market Freezes Up

Beijing in mid-April announced a package of policies intended to blow the froth out of the market by restricting speculative purchases. … The housing market in many—though not all—Chinese cities seems to have nearly ground to a halt after the government moves. On average, the number of residential property transactions in the four weeks after the restrictions were announced is down 40% compared with the four weeks before the measures

This slowdown is showing up in commodity prices. A key question is how the Chinese government will react.

Professor Michael Pettis, of the Peking University’s Guanghua School of Management, expects the Chinese government to take action to cushion the slow down, see Beijing’s stop-and-go measures: As

I have said many times before, I suspect we will see a lot of discontinuity in policymaking this year – amid lots of panicking – and recent events show just how. In the past few months Beijing seems to have become so worried about signs of overheating that, after trying unsuccessfully many times to pare growth carefully, it has given up the scalpel and has brought out the sledgehammer.

Given the bad global environment, China’s huge domestic imbalances, and its out-of-control monetary condition, there are precious few tools Beijing has for fine-tuning growth. Instead policymakers are going to switch back and forth throughout the year between stomping on the accelerator and stomping on the brakes.

It could be a wild ride.

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Labor Shortage Could Spell Inflation And Trade Deficits For China

china factory(This is a guest post from Credit Writedowns.)

Informed researchers are asking what happens to China based on the recent demographic shift from rural labour surplus to rural labour deficit.  The answer may be slower growth and higher inflation, according to a paper released last month by China’s Center for Economic Research at Peking University. But other impacts may also be increased consumption and a deteriorating external balance.

The paper by Huang Yiping and Jiang Tingsong is a very technical and dense work based on macroeconomic modelling. But the results are clear: If China’s rural labour surplus evaporates (as seems to already have occurred), we are going to see savings drop and productivity collapse.

The paper is based on the work of Sir Arthur Lewis, an economist from St. Lucia. [Here's his Wikipedia entry.]

What Lewis found is that industrial wages rise very quickly when the supply of excess rural labour is exhausted. This is called the Lewis Turning Point and is where China is right now.

This will have major implications for the Chinese domestic economy and the world economy. The first implication is inflation. Without the endless stream of excess rural labour, wages are going to go way up in China and this means inflation will be a problem.  Over the last twenty years, the introduction into the global economy of the former Eastern Bloc and China has meant a huge surge in available labour. Despite a flood of money from the Japanese and U.S. central banks, this influx of labour has effectively capped consumer price inflation in developed economies. The result has been the so-called Great Moderation.

If China has reached its Lewis Turning Point, all of that is out the window and Central banks will face a Scylla and Charybdis flation challenge for years. China’s labour shortage will work in concert with resource constraints and likely excess money supply as an inflationary force. These forces are countered by major deflationary forces from the debt overhang resulting from the implosion of the global asset bubble. We are seeing those deflationary forces in Greece right now.

From a Chinese domestic perspective, the Lewis Turning Point will crater productivity levels as wage rates rise. The corollaries of this increase in wages and lower productivity are slower GDP growth, higher consumption, lower savings and a deteriorating external balance of payments aka current account deficits.  As I have been saying for a few months now, the whole protectionist fervour directed at China’s currency peg is completely misguided (see Roach: GD II awaits if China bashing rhetoric turns into protectionism). It is not clear that a small increase in the Yuan would have an appreciable impact on the U.S. current account with China.

Within the Chinese economy, there would be dramatically different effects depending on the labour’s share of the value added. Again, it’s not clear which sectors would be worst affected by this labour supply shock.  But, what the Chinese economists are trying to do is figure out how China can avoid the so-called middle-income trap that has afflicted Latin America and the Middle East. After these countries reached their Lewis Turning Point, they failed to move up the industrial ladder and still rely very heavily on  resource-based industries like oil and industrial commodities. If China wants to keep its GDP growth up, it will need to move up the value chain.

At a minimum, however, this study indicates we could be in store for some big changes in China in the not too distant future.

Source: What Does The Lewis Turning Point Mean For China – China Center for Economic Research

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Labour shortage could spell inflation and trade deficits for China

Informed researchers are asking what happens to China based on the recent demographic shift from rural labour surplus to rural labour deficit.  The answer may be slower growth and higher inflation, according to a paper released last month by China’s Center for Economic Research at Peking University. But other impacts may also be increased consumption and a deteriorating external balance.

The paper by Huang Yiping and Jiang Tingsong is a very technical and dense work based on macroeconomic modelling. But the results are clear: If China’s rural labour surplus evaporates (as seems to already have occurred), we are going to see savings drop and productivity collapse.

The paper is based on the work of Sir Arthur Lewis, an economist from St. Lucia.

Lewis published in 1954 what was to be the most influential development economics article, “Economic Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labour” (Manchester School). In this work Lewis combined an analysis of the historical experience of developed countries with the central ideas of the classical economists to produce a broad picture of the development process. In his story a “capitalist” sector develops by taking labour from a non-capitalist backward “subsistence” sector. At an early stage of development, there would be “unlimited” supplies of labour from the subsistence economy which means that the capitalist sector can expand without the need to raise wages.

-Entry for Sir Thomas Arthur Lewis, Wikipedia

What Lewis found is that industrial wages rise very quickly when the supply of excess rural labour is exhausted. This is called the Lewis Turning Point and is where China is right now.

This will have major implications for the Chinese domestic economy and the world economy. The first implication is inflation. Without the endless stream of excess rural labour, wages are going to go way up in China and this means inflation will be a problem.  Over the last twenty years, the introduction into the global economy of the former Eastern Bloc and China has meant a huge surge in available labour. Despite a flood of money from the Japanese and U.S. central banks, this influx of labour has effectively capped consumer price inflation in developed economies. The result has been the so-called Great Moderation.

If China has reached its Lewis Turning Point, all of that is out the window and Central banks will face a Scylla and Charybdis flation challenge for years. China’s labour shortage will work in concert with resource constraints and likely excess money supply as an inflationary force. These forces are countered by major deflationary forces from the debt overhang resulting from the implosion of the global asset bubble. We are seeing those deflationary forces in Greece right now.

From a Chinese domestic perspective, the Lewis Turning Point will crater productivity levels as wage rates rise. The corollaries of this increase in wages and lower productivity are slower GDP growth, higher consumption, lower savings and a deteriorating external balance of payments aka current account deficits.  As I have been saying for a few months now, the whole protectionist fervour directed at China’s currency peg is completely misguided (see Roach: GD II awaits if China bashing rhetoric turns into protectionism). It is not clear that a small increase in the Yuan would have an appreciable impact on the U.S. current account with China.

Within the Chinese economy, there would be dramatically different effects depending on the labour’s share of the value added. Again, it’s not clear which sectors would be worst affected by this labour supply shock.  But, what the Chinese economists are trying to do is figure out how China can avoid the so-called middle-income trap that has afflicted Latin America and the Middle East. After these countries reached their Lewis Turning Point, they failed to move up the industrial ladder and still rely very heavily on  resource-based industries like oil and industrial commodities. If China wants to keep its GDP growth up, it will need to move up the value chain.

At a minimum, however, this study indicates we could be in store for some big changes in China in the not too distant future.

Source

What Does The Lewis Turning Point Mean For China – China Center for Economic Research

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What Are the Odds That China Will Follow 1920′s US and 1980′s Japan?


 

 Today in the news: China
Inflation, Production Accelerate, Adding Pressure for Stimulus Exit

March 11 (Bloomberg) — China’s inflation
reached a 16- month high, industrial output climbed and new loans
exceeded forecasts, adding to the case for the government to pare back
stimulus measures.

Consumer prices rose 2.7 percent in February from a year earlier, the
National Bureau of Statistics said in Beijing today, compared with the
2.5 percent median
estimate
 of 29 economists surveyed by Bloomberg News. Seasonal
factors stemming from a weeklong holiday may have boosted prices.
Production rose 20.7 percent in the first two months of 2010, the most
in more than five years.

Contrary to many, not only do I believe China is in the throws of a
credit driven asset bubble, but its touted safeguards point the way to
drastic correction.


 

China huge foreign reserves: Not a savior for the country if
the asset bubble bursts

The concerns highlighted by Michael Pettis (a professor at Peking
University’s Guanghua School of Management,  “Never
short a country with $2 trillion in reserves?”
) are telling,
particularly that huge foreign exchange reserves are not a sure shot
solution for preventing China from a future financial crisis. I would
like to amplify the message contained therein, since the news coming out
of China reinforces the fact that it is really not “different this
time” so emphatically.

The Author states:

 “…Let us leave aside that the PBoC’s reported reserves are a lot
more than $2 trillion, and that if correctly accounted they would be
pretty close to $3 trillion.  China’s foreign reserves are certainly
huge. They add up to an amount equal to about 5-6 % of global gross
domestic product.


But they are not unprecedented. Twice before in history a country has,
under similar circumstances, run up foreign reserves of the same
magnitude.


The first time occurred in the late 1920s when, after a decade of
record-beating trade and capital account surpluses, the United States
had accumulated what John Maynard Keynes worriedly described as “all the
bullion in the world”. At the time, total reserves accumulated by the
US were more than 5-6% of global GDP…


The second time occurred in the late 1980s, when it was Japan’s turn to
combine huge trade surpluses, along with more moderate surpluses on the
capital account, to accumulate a stockpile of foreign reserves only a
little less than the equivalent of 5-6% of global GDP.   By the late
1980s, Japan’s accumulation of reserves drew the sort of same breathless
description – much of it incorrect, of course – that China’s does
today.


Needless to say, and in sharp rebuttal to Friedman, both previous cases
turned out badly for long investors and brilliantly for anyone dumb
enough to have gone short. During the early years of the Great
Depression of the 1930s, US stock markets lost more than 80 per cent of
their value, real estate prices collapsed, and the US economy contracted
in real terms by an astonishing 30-40 per cent before recovering in the
1940s.


Japan’s subsequent experience was economically less violent in the short
term, but even costlier over the long term. During the period following
its astonishing accumulation of central bank reserves, its stock market
also lost more than 80 per cent of its value, real estate prices
collapsed, and economic growth was virtually non-existent for two
decades.

Reserves of course are not useless as an enhancer of
financial stability, but their use is for very specific forms of
instability.  Having large amounts of reserves relative to external
claims protects countries from external debt crises and from currency
crises
.”

The key term here is “external”. China does not face an external debt
concerns, as the country’s foreign claim as per BIS (Bank for
International Settlement) stood at only $278.6 billion at the end of
September 2009 (which is only 5.3% of the country’s 2010 expected GDP as
per IMF). However, China’s domestic debt currently remains
at an uncomforting level (as we will see in our discussion below)

“The risks that China faces today (and the US in the late
1920s and Japan in the late 1980s) is of excessive domestic liquidity
having fueled asset and capacity bubbles, the latter requiring the
uninterrupted ability of foreign countries to absorb via large and
growing trade deficits.  These risks include an explosion in domestic
government debt directly and contingently through the banking system… “

This risk is visible in the recent finance ministry announcement to
nullify all guarantees
local governments for loans taken by their financing vehicles
, and
its plan to issue rules banning all future guarantees by local
governments.

If local government debt that China’s local governments have been
raising through off-balance sheet (and similar) investment vehicles to
circumvent direct borrowing regulations –  and which is
not counted in official calculations, is included in the total debt –
then the country’s debt could rise to 39.838 trillion Yuan or $5.8
trillion. This puts China in similar debt standing with many of the
PIIGS, being that its accounting for 96% of GDP, much higher in
comparison to the IMF’s estimate of 22% which excludes local-government
liabilities, in 2010 based upon research by
Northwestern University’s Professor Victor Shih
, who estimates
China’s local- government outstanding debt at the end of 2009 at 11.429
trillion Yuan.  

This puts China 4th in line, behind Italy, Belgium and Greece
in terms of gross debt to GDP!

“… And reserves are almost totally useless in protecting
these economies from the risks they face (and, no, no, no, reserves
cannot be used to recapitalize the banks – only domestic government
borrowing or direct or hidden taxes on the household sector can be used
to recapitalize the banks). In fact, it was the very process of
generating massive reserves that created the risks which subsequently
devastated the US and Japan. Both countries had accumulated reserves
over a decade during which they experienced sharply undervalued
currencies, rapid urbanization, and rapid growth in worker productivity
(sound familiar?). These three factors led to large and rising trade
surpluses which, when combined with capital inflows seeking advantage of
the rapid economic growth, forced a too-quick expansion of domestic
money and credit.”

The above case is most accurate  in regards to China, where the
accumulated reserves have come from preventing Yuan appreciation, rapid
urbanization and rising worker productivity (which remains one of the
key drivers for the country’s exports). Thus, if we go by historical
precedence, a huge financial reserve for China does not safeguard the
country against a financial crisis.

These similar concerns are being supported by other analysts and
economists. Trend forecaster Gerald
Celente believes that the depression is global
and a contraction
across the entire planet cannot be avoided, and that includes China.

Economist Harry
Dent holds a similar view
, recently
saying that,
“China will see their bubble collapse strongly when
the U.S.-led stimulus program fails due to rising defaults and
foreclosures later in 2010, at the same time that the world is looking
for China to pull it out of this global downturn.”

As suggested above by Michael Pettis, though foreign reserves can be
used for very specific forms of instability, there is one way in which
China can use its reserves to tackle the current problem of rising
domestic debt, that is by converting its foreign currency denominated
assets (which is primarily dollar for China) to Yuan.

However, this would lead to appreciation of Yuan against the USD. With
China being an export-driven economy, this is a measure of very last
resort. 

But eventually, China will have to appreciate Yuan as it is
facing considerable international pressure from its trading partners,
more importantly, it looks like the only way to ease strains on the
country’s fast growing economy. We feel that this will not be a
voluntary move
(China faces new
pressure to let currency rise
).

 

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Watch Professor Michael Pettis Demolish Thomas Friedman Over China

tom friedman tbi

Earlier this month, Thomas Friedman wrote a column slamming Jim Chanos’s bear case on China.

It included the quintessentially awesome Friedman quote

First, a simple rule of investing that has always served me well: Never short a country with $2 trillion in foreign currency reserves.

We jabbed at the column here, but for a very serious, in-depth rebuttal, you ought to read this post from Peking University professor Michael Pettis.

Here’s a sample:

In response to Chanos’ claim Friedman made a number of very questionable statements about China.  These are matters of dispute and although I think they are completely wrong, they are at least defensible.  For example he says its true that there may have been risks of bubbles.  ”In the last few days, though, China’s central bank has started edging up interest rates and raising the proportion of deposits that banks must set aside as reserves — precisely to head off inflation and take some air out of any asset bubbles.” 

Really?  I think you have to be a tad credulous to believe that the RMB 7.5 trillion lending target for 2010 and the slightly higher interest rates represents taking air out of the asset bubble.  I would argue that they simply mean that the astonishing rate at which they were pumping air into the bubble has moderated slightly, to merely excessive.

He also says:

Now take all this infrastructure and mix it together with 27 million students in technical colleges and universities — the most in the world. With just the normal distribution of brains, that’s going to bring a lot of brainpower to the market, or, as Bill Gates once said to me: “In China, when you’re one-in-a-million, there are 1,300 other people just like you.”

Aside from perhaps his overestimating the quality of the education system, this is very bad statistics, and perhaps shows how easily we can get intellectually overwhelmed by large numbers.  If China indeed has the same distribution of geniuses, or talent, as other countries, the fact that it has so many people won’t make it richer (and what about India?).  After all if you cut China into four countries, each country will have only one-fourth the number of geniuses.  Does that really mean that the four countries together are stupider?

This is also an incredibly important point on the forex reserves question:

The idea that massive levels of reserves are a guarantor of economic stability is, in other words, based on a profound misunderstanding both of history and of the nature of reserves.  Reserves of course are not useless as an enhancer of financial stability, but their use is for very specific forms of instability.  Having large amounts of reserves relative to external claims protects countries from external debt crises and from currency crises.

Great, but neither Chanos, nor even the most pessimistic Sino-analyst, has ever said that these are the kinds of risks China faces today, any more than they were the risks faced by the US in the late 1920s or Japan in the late 1980s.  The risks that China faces today (and the US in the late 1920s and Japan in the late 1980s) is of excessive domestic liquidity having fueled asset and capacity bubbles, the latter requiring the uninterrupted ability of foreign countries to absorb via large and growing trade deficits.  These risks include an explosion in domestic government debt directly and contingently through the banking system.

Definitely read the whole post >

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Michael Pettis: Why The Latest Chinese Economic Numbers Were Clearly Bad News

china yuan

On Wednesday night, China came out with a slew of fresh economic data, and at least the headlines looked good.

Who could complain about GDP growth of 10.7%?

The only concern, perhaps, was that too-rapid growth would compel the central bank to act more aggressively on tightening, which is emerging as a serious worry.

Michael Pettis, a professor at Peking University’s Guanghua School of Management, and an all-around Chinese financial expert, points to another angle: Much of the surge was due to fixed-asset investment and industrial production.

In other words, China’s growth is still a government-stimulus story. “No one has a clue as to what will happen when the government pulls back,” Pettis writes.

And though this helps smoothe things over in the short term, this actually creates a long-term problem for the country, because all this investment means more overcapacity and more exposure to the rest of the world for demand. If that doesn’t materialize, the hard landing will be

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